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Iraq Defence and Security Report Q2 2008

Published by: Business Monitor International

Published: May. 14, 2008 - 41 Pages


Table of Contents


Executive Summary
SWOT Analysis
Iraq Political SWOT
Iraq Security SWOT
Iraq Defence Industry SWOT
Political Overview
Domestic Political Outlook
Domestic Policy
Foreign Relations
Security Risk Analysis
BMI’s Security Ratings
Risk Ratings
Table: Regional Risk Ratings
Table: State Terrorism Vulnerability Index
Regional Security: The Middle East and North Africa
Inter-State Conflicts
Internal Conflicts
Iraq Conflict Risk
Iraq Terrorism Risk
Iraq Physical Safety Risk
Security Overview
Internal Security Situation - Background
Table: Iraq Insurgent Groups
Latest Developments
Internal Security: Recent Developments
External Security Situation
Background
Latest Developments
External Security: Recent Developments
Military Structure & Defence Industry
Armed Forces
Table: Regional Armed Forces (including conscripted)
Current Strength
Historical Strength
Weapons of Mass Destruction
Market Overview
Arms Trade Overview
Procurement Trends & Developments
Industry Forecast Sce33
Table: Iraq Defence Sector - Historical Data & Forecasts. 33
Key Risks to BMI’s Forecast Scenario
Macroeconomic Forecast
Economic Activity
Table: Iraq - Economic Activity
Company Profile
Dabin Group
BMI Forecast Modelling .39
How we generate our industry forecasts
Defence Industry
Sources


Abstract

The security picture in the first months of 2008 was that Iraq remained one of the world’s most bitterly war-torn societies, but that the overall levels of violence continued to trend down from the peaks reached in 2006 and early 2007. The consensus among Western defence analysts was that the US ‘surge’ policy -the build-up of troop levels and changed deployment tactics introduced in early 2007 - was a major factor in the improved situation. This view needed to be qualified in at least two important respects. First, the ‘surge’ was in fact being used as a kind of shorthand for a variety of separate factors that had come together, many of which had little to do with actual US troop numbers. And second, those factors, including a shift of key Sunni communities against Al Qaeda and the truce declared by the Shi’ite Mahdi Army, might be fairly easily reversible, indicating that the improvements achieved remained fragile.

Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki faces significant challenges if he is to take advantage of this window of opportunity and press ahead with political moves to build reconciliation between the country’s different ethnic communities and political factions. Although some new laws have been passed, notably on the budget and on relations between the central and provincial authorities, prospects on this front remained mixed. Extensive disputes over Iraq’s constitution amongst the Shi’a, Sunni and Kurdish population, especially concerning oil-revenue sharing arrangements, remained unsolved. Various draf tlaws on these issues were deadlocked and seemed unlikely to progress quickly. The authorities were, however, able to issue a call for provincial elections to be held on October 1 this year.

Despite the improvements, nobody expects to see an end to the violence any time soon. Similarly, not many people expect Iraqi security forces to take full responsibility for the whole country at any time soon, nor for the coalition forces to withdraw from the country on any large scale. Finally, with almost all military equipment entering the country through donations or at least at ‘gifted’ prices, any talk of establishing a functioning defence industry in Iraq will remain premature for the foreseeable future.

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