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Libya Defence and Security Report Q1 2008

Published by: Business Monitor International

Published: Feb. 1, 2008 - 43 Pages


Table of Contents


Executive Summary
SWOT Analysis
Libya Political SWOT
Libya Security SWOT
Libya Defence Industry SWOT
Political Overview
Domestic Political Outlook
Slowly But Surely With Seif al-Islam
External Political Outlook
Libya On Security Council
International Ties Incite Investor Confidence
Security Risk Analysis
BMI’s Security Ratings
Risk Ratings
Table: Middle East & North Africa Defence & Security Ratings
Table: Middle East & North Africa: State Terrorism Vulnerability Index
Regional Security: The Middle East and North Africa
Inter-State Conflicts
Internal Conflicts
Libya Security Risk Ratings
Libya Conflict Risk
Libya Terrorism Risk
Libya Physical Safety Risk
Security Overview
External Security Situation
Internal Security Situation
Table: Libya Insurgent Groups
Immigrant and Human Rights Questions
Succession
Militant Opposition
Popular Unrest
Military Structure & Defence Industry
Armed Forces
Table: Regional Armed Forces (including conscripted) 2007
Current Strength
Historical Strength
Equipment
International Deployments
Table: International Deployments
Weapons of Mass Destruction
Market Structure
Arms Trade Overview
Imports
Exports
Industry Trends & Developments
Procurement Trends & Developments
Industry Forecast Scenario
Table: Libya Defence Sector - Army Enlargements
Table: Libya Defence Sector - Government Expenditure
Key Risks to BMI’s Forecast Scenario
Macroeconomic Forecast
Table: Libya - Economic Activity
BMI Forecast Modelling
How We Generate Our Industry Forecasts
Defence Industry
Sources


Abstract

As part of his rapprochement with the West, Colonel Muammar Qadhafi turned up in Paris in December
2007 for his first visit in 34 years. President Nicholas Sarkozy rolled out the red carpet, welcoming big
Libyan orders for Airbus aircraft, Rafale jet fighters, a nuclear reactor and assorted other pieces of
military equipment. From Tripoli’s point of view, the visit has to be counted as a success. Yet it was also
controversial, with a wide range of French political and cultural figures - some of them within Sarkozy’s
ministerial cabinet - questioning the degree of support given to a regime which, although now realigning
itself with the West, remains authoritarian and with a very poor record on human rights. The message is
that Libya’s new diplomatic course will not absolve it from pressure to carry out internal reform.
The normalisation of relations with the US in 2006 opened the door to many opportunities for Libya.
Whilst the republic has been edging towards normal relations with the international community for a few
years, the US was Tripoli’s ultimate goal. The announcement has paved the way for US investment in
Libya’s oil sector and if Tripoli plays its cards right, the sale of arms to the North African state. The move
may prove to be beneficial for both parties, with Washington deepening its involvement in another
country’s oil sector and befriending another ally, this time on the African continent, in the fight against
terrorism. Relations with Europe are also strengthening.


However, as many states have experienced, closer relations with the US can have adverse affects amongst
the population. The conservative old guard is already stirring over Qadhafi’s economic reforms. Whilst
BMI does not anticipate a revolt, there will be issues regarding Qadhafi’s succession to think of in the not
too distant future - Qadhafi may be able to contain a conservative backlash but his more reformist son,
Seif, may struggle to do so.


The potential for US military assistance will be of great interest to Qadhafi. At present the Libyan defence
industry is practically non-existent, and what does survive is almost entirely state owned. Multinational
involvement has been legalised only relatively recently, with the lifting of the UN arms embargo in
September 2003 and of the EU arms embargo on September 22 2004, and foreign companies are
beginning to penetrate the market. It has been reported that authorities in Tripoli have been in low-level
talks with several European defence companies, eager to establish themselves in what should become a
significant market now that the EU arms sales restrictions have been lifted. The resumption of full
political and commercial relations with the US on May 15 2006 should also ease the pressure on Libya’s
economy by removing some of the restrictions on investment in the sector. As larger foreign companies
move into Libya, its domestic defence sector is likely to experience a large expansion. Libya’s extensive
military equipment is in desperate need of modernisation. Precise details of the modernisation path to be
taken are not yet known.


Providing Qadhafi continues along his current path then the prospects for Libya’s defence industry look
good. Defence expenditure is forecast to remain at about US$670mn in 2007, rising to some US$730mn
by 2010, as the defence industry opens for foreign investors and new technology and hardware become
available to Libya. The signing of new defence contracts and the trading of Libya’s valuable oil reserves
will provide further funds for military expenditure. This will see import figures rise substantially over the
coming years, as Libya updates and replaces its ageing Soviet equipment.



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