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Iraq Defence and Security Report Q1 2008

Published by: Business Monitor International

Published: Jan. 2, 2008 - 42 Pages


Table of Contents


Executive Summary
SWOT Analysis
Iraq Political SWOT
Iraq Security SWOT
Iraq Defence Industry SWOT
Political Overview
Domestic Political Outlook
Domestic Policy
Foreign Relations
Security Risk Analysis
BMI’s Security Ratings
Risk Ratings
Table: Regional Risk Ratings
Table: State Terrorism Vulnerability Index
Regional Security: The Middle East and North Africa
Inter-State Conflicts
Internal Conflicts
Iraq Conflict Risk
Iraq Terrorism Risk
Iraq Physical Safety Risk
Security Overview
Internal Threats
Table: Iraq Insurgent Groups
External Threats
Military Structure & Defence Industry
Armed Forces
Table: Regional Armed Forces (including conscripted) 2007
Current Strength
Historical Strength
Weapons of Mass Destruction
Market Overview
Arms Trade Overview
Procurement Trends & Developments
Industry Forecast Scenario
Table: Iraq Defence Sector - Historical Data & Forecasts
Key Risks to BMI’s Forecast Scenario
Macroeconomic Forecast
Economic Activity
Table: Iraq - Economic Activity
Company Profile
Dabin Group
BMI Forecast Modelling
How we generate our industry forecasts
Defence Industry
Sources


Abstract

The security situation in Iraq began to get better - or more accurately, become less bad - during Q407.
There was a clear reduction in levels of violence, although the overall situation as far as the safety of the
civilian population and the rule of law was concerned remained arguably one of the bleakest anywhere in
the world. At the end of November 2007, US sources said that the total number of attacks across Iraq had
fallen by 55% since the ‘surge’ in US troop strength reached its high-water mark of 30,000 extra troops in
June. Overall civilian deaths calculated by the Iraqi authorities fell consecutively in each of the three
months to November. In October they had totalled 758, compared to 1,971 in January. US military deaths
were in their fifth month of a downward trend in October at 38, compared to 126 in May.


A variety of factors were credited for the improvement. The ‘surge’ had brought US forces out of their
strongholds to patrol more visibly on a local level. Rebel groups had begun to fragment and fight between
themselves. In the south the Shi’ite Mahdi Army was continuing to observe a ceasefire. Syria and Iran,
two neighbours generally hostile to the US project in Iraq, had nevertheless appeared to collaborate,
making it more difficult for foreign jihadists to enter the country and join the ranks of the insurgency.
There were some early signs that the Iranians were cutting back weapons supplies to the insurgents. The
US effort to recruit mainly Sunni militants into unofficial ‘neighbourhood security’ patrols seemed to be
paying off.


Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki faces significant challenges if he is to take advantage of this window
of opportunity and press ahead with political moves to build reconciliation between the country’s
different ethnic communities and political factions. Prospects on this front were not terribly encouraging.
Extensive disputes over Iraq’s constitution amongst the Shi’a, Sunni and Kurdish population, especially
concerning oil-revenue sharing arrangements, remained unsolved. Various draft laws on these issues were
deadlocked and seemed unlikely to progress quickly.


Despite the improvements, nobody expects to see an end to the violence any time soon. Similarly, not
many people expect Iraqi security forces to take full responsibility for the whole country at any time soon,
nor for the coalition forces to withdraw from the country on any large scale. Finally, with almost all
military equipment entering the country through donations or at least at ‘gifted’ prices, any talk of
establishing a functioning defence industry in Iraq will remain premature for the foreseeable future.



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