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Taiwan Defence and Security Report Q1 2008

Published by: Business Monitor International

Published: Jan. 3, 2008 - 50 Pages


Table of Contents


Executive Summary
SWOT Analysis
Taiwan Political SWOT
Taiwan Security SWOT
Taiwan Defence Industry SWOT
Taiwan Economic SWOT
Taiwan Business Environment SWOT
Political Overview
Domestic Political Outlook
Chen Takes Command - But Will DPP Gain?
External Political Outlook
Security Risk Analysis
BMI’s Security Ratings
Risk Ratings
Table: Regional Risk Ratings
Table: State Terrorism Vulnerability Index
Regional Security: North and South-West Asia
General Overview
Inter-State Conflicts - Q407
Internal Conflicts - Q407
Table: Chronology of Selected Events in Pakistan - Late 2007
Taiwan Conflict Risk
Taiwan Terrorism Risk
Taiwan Physical Safety Risk
Security Overview
Internal Security Situation
External Security Situation
Taiwan-China Relations
Taiwan-US Relations
Military Structure & Defence Industry
Armed Forces
Table: Regional Armed Forces (including conscripted) 2007
Weapons of Mass Destruction
Market Structure
Arms Trade Overview
Imports
Industry Trends & Developments
Procurement Trends & Developments
Industry Forecast Scenario
Table: Taiwan Defence Sector - Historical Data & Forecasts
Key Risks to BMI’s Forecast Scenario
Macroeconomic Forecast
Table: Taiwan - Economic Activity
Competitive Landscape
Company Profiles
China Shipbuilding Corporation
Aerospace Industrial Development Corporation
Combined Service Forces
Chung Shan Institute of Science and Technology
BMI Forecast Modelling
How We Generate Our Industry Forecasts
Defence Industry
Sources


Abstract

At first glance, it seems that relations between Taiwan and mainland China continued to deteriorate
through Q407. The 2007 National Day (10 October) saw the first full-scale military parade for 16 years in
Taiwan. President Chen Shui-bian assumed the leadership of his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)
and, although he will not be standing as a candidate in the elections that will take place in early 2008,
made it clear that full independence for Taiwan will be a key part of the DPP’s electoral programme.
However, several other aspects are worthy of note. First, President Chen himself did not actually declare
independence. He stressed that the proposed referendum in relation to Taiwan’s name at the United
Nations is only a rejection of unification with China - and not a move towards complete independence.
He also noted that Taiwan’s Hsiung Feng II cruise missiles, which were featured at the aforementioned
military parade, are second-strike weapons which would not be fired without permission of the US
government - which is the ultimate guarantor of Taiwan’s de facto independence.


A second aspect is that it remains to be seen how aggressive the DPP will be in its promotion of
independence through early 2008. Frank Hsieh, the DPP’s candidate to succeed President Chen, has taken
a clearly more conciliatory approach to cross-strait relations. Mr Hsieh fears that the robustly
confrontational line taken by the President may alienate voters. His reasoning is that voters dislike the
political and diplomatic tactics used against Taiwan by the mainland, but they fear the economic
consequences of a break with the mainland.


Most other observers (including BMI) agree with Mr Hsieh. The opposition Kuomintang (KMT) party
has long been in favour of closer ties (but not outright union) with the mainland. An electoral victory for
the KMT’s candidate, Ma Ying-jeou, would make possible the full exploitation of the opportunities from
cross-strait relations, provided that the KMT can also consolidate the hold on the Legislative Yuan that is
held (just) by the coalition which it leads.


Electoral victory for the KMT would be good news for Taiwan’s economy and is an outcome hoped for
by the authorities in Beijing, who showed some signs of conciliation during Q407. At the Chinese
Communist Party’s XVII Congress in mid-October, President Hu Jintao advocated a formal peace
agreement with Taiwan. However, President Hu made it clear that the mainland would not accept
Taiwan’s de jure independence.


Other trends and themes remain intact. Spending on and preparation for defence has been constrained by
the assumption that the USA will prevent China from initiating an invasion of Taiwan. Taiwan remains a
substantial importer of materiel: nonetheless, its air force is estimated to have munitions that are sufficient
second-strike role (i.e. as guerrillas after a Chinese invasion) for the army. Although Taiwan’s indigenous
arms companies have had some successes in export markets, they are hampered by structural weaknesses.
It is difficult to envisage the emergence of a dynamic and substantial private sector firm in an industry
that continues to be dominated by state-owned enterprises.




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